成语接龙大全(7个之内)

成语接龙： 龙生九子 子曰诗云 云开雾释 释生取义 义薄云天天下为笼 笼中之鸟 鸟枪换炮 炮凤烹龙 龙攀凤附 附会穿凿凿坏而遁 遁世幽居 居下讪上 上窜下跳 跳梁小丑 丑类恶物物尽其用 用舍行藏 藏龙卧虎 虎入羊群 群起效尤 尤而效之之死靡二 二八女郎 郎才女姿 姿意妄为 为裘为箕 箕裘相继继继存存 存亡续绝 绝代佳人 人面桃花 花堆锦簇 簇锦团花花好月圆 圆颅方趾 趾踵相接 接风洗尘 尘羹涂饭 饭蔬饮水水到鱼行 行若狗彘 彘肩斗酒 酒色之徒 徒托空言 言笑自若若有若无 无恶不造 造谣惑众 众所瞩目 目指气使 使心用幸幸灾乐祸 祸从口生 生寄死归 归全反真 真心实意 意出望外外强中瘠 瘠人肥己 己饥己溺 溺心灭质 质伛影曲 曲高和寡寡信轻诺 诺诺连声 声嘶力竭 竭诚相待 待时守分 分甘同苦苦雨凄风 风雨不改 改口沓舌 舌端月旦 旦夕之间 间不容缓缓歌慢舞 舞爪张牙如果觉得有帮助，希望，你的支持是我们的动力！

裘的成语有哪些

裘的成语有哪些 ：集腋成裘、反裘负刍、冬日黑裘、夏裘冬葛、冬裘夏葛、一狐之腋的解释'>千金之裘，非一狐之腋、软裘快马、肥马轻裘、轻裘朱履、克绍箕裘、反裘伤皮、救寒莫如重裘、千镒之裘，非一狐之白、箕裘相继、归老菟裘、箕引裘随、狐裘羔袖、黑貂之裘、狐裘尨茸、反裘负薪、裘敝金尽、振裘持领、貂裘换酒、轻裘缓带、业绍箕裘、大寒索裘、箕裘颓堕、轻裘大带

和中继有关的成语

后继有人、
继往开来、
夜以继日、
前仆后继、
焚膏继晷、
后继无人、
前赴后继、
继继存存、
首尾相继、
绝长继短、
比肩继踵、
覆车继轨、
难以为继、
饔飱不继、
断断继继、
继继承承、
箕裘相继、
难乎为继、
以夜继日、
兴亡继绝、
继古开今、
兴亡继绝、
继继绳绳、
张本继末、
断鹤继凫、
以夜继昼、
继绝存亡、
燃膏继晷、
兴微继绝、
存亡继绝

有人知道“克绍其裘”的意思和典故吗？

克绍箕裘【出处】典出（孔子后学《礼记·学记·卷十八》） ：“记问之学，不足以为人师。必也其听语乎？力不能问，然后语之；语之而不 知，虽舍之可也。良冶之子，必学为裘。良弓之子，必学为箕。始驾马者反之，车在马前。君子察于此三者，可以有志于学矣。”【用例】（清·萼《答谢丙南书》）：“老弟家有薄田，可资饘粥；庭有玉树，‘克绍箕裘’。”【解说】自身无独到之处，仅赖背诵之学，不足以为人师也。必令学子听解说乎？学子有惑，无法表述，为之释义可也。释之犹不解者，置之以待来日方解亦可也。冶铁良匠之子，必学造鼓气风裘。制弓良工之子，必学作畚箕藤器。初为驾车之幼马，必先系于车后，尾随车行。君子能明察此三者，则有志于学矣。亦作【箕裘之绍】（宋·张扩《贺范内翰启》）：“侧闻雨露之颁，咸喜‘箕裘之绍’。”亦作【箕裘相继】（明·姚茂良《精忠记．第二出》）：“休夸琴瑟调宜，愿百年奕叶传芳，好儿孙‘箕裘相继’。” 亦作【箕裘不坠】（清·陆陇其《答柏乡魏荔彤书》）：“知足下留心正学，师门‘箕裘不坠’，喜何如之！”亦作【不堕箕裘】（宋·范质《诫儿侄八百字》）：“省躬常惧玷，恐掇庭闱羞，童年志于学，不堕为箕裘。”【释义】① 克：能够。② 绍：继承。③ 箕：扬米去糠之竹器，或畚箕之类。④ 裘：冶铁所需之鼓气风裘。【克绍箕裘】原指能继制藤器或风裘之事。后喻能继承父祖之技艺或事业，常用此语。

肯尼迪和奥巴马的就职演讲

肯尼迪FRIDAY, JANUARY 20, 1961
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, reverend clergy, fellow citizens, we observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom--symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning--signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn I before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears l prescribed nearly a century and three quarters ago.
the world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe--the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans--born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage--and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this Nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge--and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United, there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do--for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new States whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom--and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those peoples in the huts and villages across the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required--not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge--to convert our good words into good deeds--in a new alliance for proGREss--to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support--to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective--to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak--and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two GREat and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course--both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind’s final war.
So let us begin anew--remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear. But let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms--and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed in all corners of the earth the command of Isaiah--to ’undo the heavy burdens ... and to let the oppressed go free.’
And if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor, not a new balance of power, but a new world of law, where the strong are just and the weak secure and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first 100 days. Nor will it be finished in the first 1,000 days, nor in the life of this Administration, nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than in mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again--not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need; not as a call to battle, though embattled we are--but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, ’rejoicing in hope, patient in tribulation’--a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shank from this responsibility--I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it--and the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans: ask not what your country can do for you--ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world: ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God’s work must truly be our own.
朝气蓬勃的约翰．菲茨杰拉德．肯尼迪是美国口才最好的总统之一，他于一九六三年十一月三十三日在得克萨斯州达拉斯城被暗杀，事业悲惨以终。一九六一年一月二十日在就职演讲词中， 他呼吁以果断与牺牲的精神来应付当前的许多挑战。这一演讲词重新肯定了杰佛逊与威尔逊的第一任就职演讲词所立下的原则。
我们今天庆祝的并不是一次政党的胜利，而是一次自由的庆典；它象征着结束，也象征着开始；意味着更新，也意味着变革。因为我已在你们和全能的上帝面前，作了跟我们祖先将近一又四分之三世纪以前所拟定的相同的庄严誓言。
现今世界已经很不同了，因为人在自己血肉之躯的手中握有足以消灭一切形式的人类贫困和一切形式的人类生命的力量。可是我们祖先奋斗不息所维护的革命信念，在世界各地仍处于争论之中。那信念就是注定人并非来自政府的慷慨施与，而是上帝所赐。
我们今天不敢忘记我们是那第一次革命的继承人，让我从此时此地告诉我们的朋友，并且也告诉我们的敌人，这支火炬已传交新一代的美国人，他们出生在本世纪，经历过战争的锻炼，受过严酷而艰苦的和平的熏陶，以我们的古代传统自豪，而且不愿目睹或容许人逐步被褫夺。对于这些人我国一向坚贞不移，当前在国内和全世界我们也是对此力加维护的。
让每一个国家知道，不管它盼我们好或盼我们坏，我们将付出任何代价，忍受任何重负，应付任何艰辛，支持任何朋友，反对任何敌人，以确保自由的存在与实现。
这是我们矢志不移的事－－而且还不止此。
对于那些和我们拥有共同文化和精神传统的老盟邦，我们保证以挚友之诚相待。只要团结，则在许多合作事业中几乎没有什么是办不到的。倘若分裂，我们则无可作为，因为我们在意见分歧、各行其是的情况下，是不敢应付强大挑战的。
对于那些我们欢迎其参与自由国家行列的新国家，我们要提出保证，绝不让一种形成的殖民统治消失后，却代之以另一种远为残酷的暴政。我们不能老是期望他们会支持我们的观点，但我们却一直希望他们能坚决维护他们自身的自由，并应记取，在过去，那些愚蠢得要骑在虎背上以壮声势的人，结果却被虎所吞噬。
对于那些住在布满半个地球的茅舍和乡村中、力求打破普遍贫困的桎梏的人们，我们保证尽最大努力助其自救，不管需要多长时间。这并非因为共产党会那样做，也不是由于我们要求他们的选票，而是由于那样做是正确的。自由社会若不能帮助众多的穷人，也就不能保全那少数的富人。
对于我国边界以内的各姐妹共和国，我们提出一项特殊的保证：要把我们的美好诺言化作善行，在争取进步的新联盟中援助自由人和自由政府来摆脱贫困的枷锁。但这种为实现本身愿望而进行的和平革命不应成为不怀好意的国家的俎上肉。让我们所有的邻邦都知道，我们将与他们联合抵御对美洲任何地区的侵略或颠覆。让其它国家都知道，西半球的事西半球自己会管。
至于联合国这个各主国家的世界性议会，在今天这个战争工具的发展速度超过和平工具的时代中，它是我们最后的、最美好的希望。我们愿重申我们的支持诺言；不让它变成仅供谩骂的讲坛，加强其对于新国弱国的保护，并扩大其力所能运用的领域。
最后，对于那些与我们为敌的国家，我们所要提供的不是保证，而是要求：双方重新着手寻求和平，不要等到科学所释出的危险破坏力量在有意或无意中使全人类沦于自我毁灭。
我们不敢以示弱去诱惑他们。因为只有当我们的武力无可置疑地壮大时，我们才能毫无疑问地确信永远不会使用武力。
可是这两个强有力的国家集团，谁也不能对当前的趋势放心 －－双方都因现代武器的代价而感到不胜负担，双方都对于致命的原子力量不断发展而产生应有的惊骇，可是双方都在竞谋改变那不稳定的恐怖均衡，而此种均衡却可以暂时阻止人类最后从事战争。
因此让我们重新开始，双方都应记住，谦恭并非懦弱的征象，而诚意则永远须要验证。让我们永不因畏惧而谈判。但让我们永不要畏惧谈判。

和箕裘相继同义的成语

箕引裘随【读音】：jī yǐn qiú suí【解释】：比喻子弟能继承父兄之业。【出处】：语出《礼记·学记》：“良治之子，必学为裘，良弓之子，必学为箕